The 2025 edition of the Top Social Good Organizations (SGOs) is now available — spotlighting the most innovative, resilient, and impactful actors transforming communities and systems around the world.
Published: June 30, 2025 | Geneva
The 2025 edition of the Top Social Good Organizations (SGOs) is now available — spotlighting the most innovative, resilient, and impactful actors transforming communities and systems around the world. This year edition comes with a WORLD 200 SGOs and BRAZIL 75 SGOs (up from a BRAZIL 50 SGOs in 2024).
Since 2012, thedotgood’s Top SGO rankings have served as a trusted reference for philanthropists, researchers, social investors, and changemakers seeking to:
Learn from high-impact organizational models
Explore sustainable social innovation strategies
Identify trustworthy, investable opportunities
Build academic, funding, or professional portfolios
Track emerging regional ecosystems
The term NGO no longer reflects the diverse and evolving landscape of today’s social impact sector. Modern SGOs extend well beyond traditional non-governmental models historically linked to development aid.
As legacy institutions such as USAID are dismantled — with others possibly to follow — it’s increasingly clear that SGOs must operate on sustainable, economically sound foundations. The outdated assumption that social missions should rely primarily on state funding has long been challenged. While government support remains welcome, it can no longer be the bedrock of social innovation.
The rising politicization of aid — especially under administrations such as Trump’s — underscores the fragility of such dependencies. SGOs today must strive for financial independence and embrace robust, adaptable business models.
While the 2025 rankings are based on 2023–2024 data, they may not yet fully capture the sector’s rapid adaptation in response to shifting global funding priorities — especially when taking into account the termination of USAID. We expect significant developments to be reflected in the upcoming 2025 dataset for the 2026 rankings.
In response, we’re introducing a major methodological update for 2026:
Audited financial statements must be submitted within 3–4 months after fiscal year-end.
Submissions received more than 6 months post-fiscal year-end will no longer be accepted.
We recognize this is a significant requirement, but we believe the growing professionalism of SGOs worldwide makes this both realistic and necessary.
Since committing in 2022 to deeper research on Brazil’s social innovation sector, we’ve uncovered a thriving and fast-evolving ecosystem. As a result, the Brazil Top List has grown from 50 SGOs in 2024 to 75 in 2025, reflecting the energy and vision of a new generation of social entrepreneurs.
🔗 Explore the 2025 Brazil Top 75 SGOs
The top three Brazilian SGOs — CIEDS, INSTITUTO DA CRIANÇA, and NOSSAS — have retained their leadership positions for a second year. However, the expanded field has brought fresh competition and several standout newcomers.
Among those, three organizations have earned dual recognition by entering both the Brazil Top 20 and the Global Top 200:
IMPULSOGOV (#8 Brazil) – Boldly reimagining policy and public data through technology-driven decision-making.
WYLINKA (#12 Brazil) – Quietly transforming systems by aligning public and private actors with visionary precision.
AYRTON SENNA INSTITUTE (#17 Brazil) – A continuous force for innovation in education through bold experimentation and deep local engagement.
🔗 See the Ayrton Senna Institute Profile
These SGOs are defined by their strategic clarity, commitment to impact, and the courage to challenge established norms.
Other notable Brazilian SGOs on the list include: Parceiros da Educação, Instituto Fogo Cruzado, Maria Emilia Foundation, Aliança Empreendedora, Consulado das Mulheres, Social Good Brazil, Walking Football Brazil, Instituto do Grito, Rede Mulher Empreendedora (RME), and ABC Povo.
Being listed is more than a mark of distinction — it’s a signal to funders and collaborators that these SGOs are worthy of trust, support, and long-term engagement.
While it’s too soon to confirm whether Brazil’s list will expand to a Top 100 next year, our new April 2026 financial data deadline may present challenges for some. Still, we remain confident that the sector will rise to meet this higher standard.
As the Social Good Sphere enters a new era — more professional, more sustainable, and more essential than ever — the 2025 rankings offer a powerful snapshot of where we are and where we’re heading.
Last Tuesday, the 28th of May 2026, marked six months since Operation Contenção took place in the Penha and Alemão Complexes, in Rio de Janeiro’s North Zone. A total of 122 people were killed, including five police officers who took part in the operation. At the time, the state government declared that the operation had been carefully planned, that its results were significant, and that it represented progress in the fight against organized crime.
Six months later, it is time to examine Fogo Cruzado’s data before and after the operation to determine whether it actually produced any meaningful change in the area.
In the Penha neighborhood and surrounding areas, we recorded 35 shootings in the six months following the massacre. In the six months prior to the operation, there had been 37. Armed violence in the area did not decrease. We recorded 18 people shot in the post-operation period, compared to 14 beforehand: six deaths versus five, and twelve injured versus nine.
These numbers are not surprising to anyone who follows the historical data. We have documented this pattern repeatedly: a major police operation, a high death toll, workers caught in the crossfire, schools and essential services suspended, declarations of success — and then a return to normality, with the same geography of violence and the same groups controlling the territories. The Comando Vermelho was not dismantled in October. The territories it controls in the Penha Complex remain under its dominance. The main target named at the time, portrayed as public enemy number one, remains at large. And after him, new “public enemies number one” have already emerged.
This is not a problem with the execution of one specific operation. It is a problem with the model itself. Large-scale police operations generate an immediate human and financial cost, produce political imagery and rhetoric, and deliver results close to zero in terms of genuinely dismantling organized crime. Of the security agents who participated in the operation, only 504 used body cameras. After the release of 9,000 videos, the Federal Police estimate that analyzing the footage will take three years. While the 122 deaths from October have still not been fully investigated, public debate has already moved on to the next promise.
This pattern has deep roots. The three largest police massacres in the history of Rio de Janeiro state have all taken place in recent years: Jacarezinho in 2021, Vila Cruzeiro in 2022, and now Penha and Alemão. Each was presented at the time as a turning point. None altered the path of the organized crime. According to data from the Historical Map of Armed Groups, Comando Vermelho expanded its territorial control by 89.2% between 2007 and 2024 and today controls areas where 1.6 million people live in the Rio metropolitan region.
Operation Contenção was presented as an answer. Our data show that it was not: it was yet another operation carried out without strategic planning, verifiable objectives, and no mechanisms for post-operation evaluation.
In 2025, 39% of the shootings in Greater Rio occurred during police operations, resulting in 936 people shot and 460 killed. The policy of confrontation did not recover a single territory. Instead, made 61 stray-bullet victims and disrupted the routine of 565 schools.
Six months after the largest massacre in the country’s history, the question that remains is simple: what has changed in the public security policy of the state of Rio de Janeiro? What goals were established? Which indicators are being monitored? What accountability has there been for the 122 deaths?
Carlos Nhanga, Regional Coordinator for Fogo Cruzado in Rio de Janeiro